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Showing posts with label Political News. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Political News. Show all posts

Tuesday, 13 May 2014

The White House: No, #BringBackOurGirls won’t sway the kidnappers

White House: No, #BringBackOurGirls won’t sway the kidnappers



Demonstrators hold banners as they protest about the kidnapping of girls in Nigeria, near the Nigerian High Commission in London, Friday, May 9, 2014. Global outrage against the abduction of more than 200 Nigerian girls by Islamist militant sect Boko Haram heated up Thursday, as a social media campaign drew worldwide support. (AP Photo/Kirsty Wigglesworth)
Demonstrators hold banners as they protest about the kidnapping of girls in Nigeria, near the Nigerian High Commission in London, Friday, May 9, 2014. Global outrage against the abduction of more than 200 Nigerian girls by Islamist militant sect Boko Haram heated up Thursday, as a social media campaign drew worldwide support. (AP Photo/Kirsty Wigglesworth)
Benjamin Ekpenyong

The White House on Monday defended the #BringBackOurGirls social media campaign as a valuable part of the global response to the abduction of more than 200 Nigerian girls. But spokesman Jay Carney dismissed suggestions that hashtag activism would lead Boko Haram kidnappers to free their hostages.
“No, I wouldn’t say that,” Carney told reporters at his daily briefing when asked whether the outpouring of support would lead the extremists to set the girls free.

“We're not anything but realistic about the challenge here. It's extremely difficult,” the spokesman said. “The area that the Nigerian government is looking for the girls in constitutes roughly the size of New England.”

Still, I think that highlighting the situation there and the tragedy that the abduction of those girls represents helps focus attention on the matter and helps, I think, focus the attention of those who would want to assist in the finding and recovery of those girls,” Carney said.

That appeared to be a reference to the sluggish response the government of Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan. Carney, Secretary of State John Kerry and others criticized Jonathan’s handling of the crisis sharply last week even as they announced the deployment of a U.S. team to help with search and rescue.
Katie Couric: The international effort to #BringBackOurGirls

In private, U.S. officials said the social media campaign had helped to pressure Jonathan’s government finally to accept repeated U.S. offers of help with the rescue effort — even before first lady Michelle Obama lent her voice to the cause.

View image on Twitter
Carney said the American team includes five State Department officials, including a team leader, two strategic communications experts, a civilian security expert and a regional medical support officer. It also includes 10 Defense Department “planners and advisers” who were already in Nigeria and an additional seven brought in from AFRICOM, the regional U.S. military command in Africa. And the team includes four FBI officials “with expertise in safe recovery, negotiations and preventing future kidnappings,” Carney said.

“They are digging in on the search and coordinating closely with the Nigerian government, and you know, we obviously want to do whatever we can to assist that effort,” he said.

Read more ...

Friday, 14 March 2014

Syria conflict: Kicking for hope in Zaatari refugee camp

This is an aerial photograph of the Zaatari refugee camp, situated eight kilometers from the Jordan/Syria border, taken on July 18, 2013. As many as 150,000 people are now living there, with more arriving every day.<!-- -->
</br> This is an aerial photograph of the Zaatari refugee camp, situated eight kilometers from the Jordan/Syria border, taken on July 18, 2013. As many as 150,000 people are now living there, with more arriving every day.

(CNN) -- Amongst the clouds of dust kicked up from the desert by the hundreds of new arrivals who pitch up every day at the Zaatari refugee camp -- just 15 kilometers from the Jordan/Syria border -- Abeer Rantisi is planning her next lesson.

The twenty-six-year old is short, hair tied back, her thick-rimmed glasses sitting wonkyly at the end of her nose. She is standing outside a large marquee where a group of Syrian men is being taught the basics of soccer coaching.

"'Football," she tells CNN, her eyes moving to a group of young children nearby, screeching with laughter as they kick a football around on a sand pitch, "We all speak football."

Rantisi is a star for the Jordanian women's national team, who are preparing for a tournament that could see the kingdom qualify for the World Cup finals for the first time in their history.

But, for now, she has more important work to do. She coaches soccer for Syrian girls and young women who have fled the horrors of civil war and found themselves in what has become one of the biggest refugee camps in the world.
Football grows in India
 
Zidane and Ronaldo tackle poverty
 
Platini: Goal line technology too expensive
 
The sound of a child's laughter is rare in Zaatari.

Since the start of the Syrian civil war-- the conflict marked its third anniversary in March -- this tiny hamlet has been transformed into one of the biggest cities in the country.
As many as 150,000 people live here now. Hundreds come every day, sometimes more, sometimes less, depending on the brutality of the fighting just a few kilometers away.
They have built a life of semi-permanence.

According to the United Nations there are now close to 700 shops in the camp and nearly 60 mosques.
You can buy cable TV from one of the many tents set up to supply the growing population. There's a wedding cake shop, a place to buy wedding dresses and even a pet shop.
It costs $1.6 billion a year to run Zaatari, but the human cost is immeasurable.
Almost every player Rantisi coaches says they have been confronted with the unimaginable: bombings, the death of entire families, assault, rape.

"The main thing we can work on is self-confidence," Rantisi explains of the fragile emotional and physical state her players arrive in.

"To bring those people here and tell them they can achieve whatever they want. We have to make them resilient because they were suffering in Syria."

Dealing with the emotional scars of a civil war is a tough job, but there is also the added obstacle of social conservatism to overcome.

Almost everyone at Zaatari has come from Syria's southern, rural, conservative Sunni population.
Young girls have simply never played football in that environment. The biggest issue in such a sprawling, impersonal camp, according to Rantisi, is privacy.

"They have all come from conservative communities and are not allowed to play in public so we have to make sure that they are hiding all the time," she says.

"It's a really big problem here. Because you can see the camp it's open from all angles so we have to find a safe place for them to play. We have to find private places just for the girls to come."
Looking back at 150 years of soccer
French comedian accused of anti-semitism
 
Police tackles football betting scandal
 
In private, away from the gaze of men, Rantisi works with her players, but it takes time for her to earn their trust.

"The women in Zaatari have no idea about sport at all," she explains. "In the first lecture we say: 'We are national team players. We have come here to talk about sport.' They ask: 'What do you mean? What is sport?'"

It is not an uncommon question in the region. While women's soccer has boomed around the world, the game in the Middle East has been fraught with religious and cultural opposition over the past decade.
In Kuwait a nascent women's national team was effectively banned in 2007 after lawmakers decided it was 'un-Islamic' for women to play soccer.

The Palestinian women's national team had to fight social conservatism within its own communities to build a mixed team of Muslim and Christian players.
Saudi Arabia still has no women's team.
But attitudes are changing.

The Jordan team has only existed since 2005 and has been backed with money and support from Prince Ali bin al Hussein, the young half-brother of the king, who was recently elected as a vice-president on FIFA's powerful executive committee.

Fifteen new training centers for young girls have been built and Prince Ali has been instrumental in pushing through a rule change that allows Muslim women to wear a modified hijab to cover their hair during FIFA matches.

Originally they had been prevented from doing so on the grounds that the hijab was a religious symbol. But the change could revolutionize the game in the Middle East and open soccer to millions of women who would otherwise be prevented from playing.
In the past few years alone national women's teams have been set up in the UAE, Qatar and now, finally, Kuwait too.

The greatest success story, though, has been the Jordanian national team with Rantisi, who cites French World Cup winner Zinedine Zidane as her inspiration, in the heart of midfield
"I'm from Amman and started playing when when I was 13," she recalls. "In Jordan we don't have the same problems anymore as say with the Palestinians.

"We don't have the same social problems as they have. But we used to, when we started in the past."
In just eight years the Jordan team has gone from nothing to qualifying for the Asian Cup.
Rantisi scored a hat trick in a world record 21-0 victory over Kuwait in one qualification match.
That tournament takes place in May and if Jordan reach the semi-finals they will qualify for the World Cup, the first time a team from the region will have ever made it.
Racism in Football: Part 1
 
Racism in Football: Part 2
 
Racism in Football: Part 3
 
"I play as a central midfielder so it was fun to score," she says, a little embarrassed at the huge scoreline.
"We have to look at new teams like Qatar and Kuwait and support them. But," she adds, laughing now, "we needed the 20 goals as Uzbekistan were in the same group and they scored eighteen!"

For Prince Ali, the success of the team on the pitch vindicates an investment in the women's game that few others in the region were willing to make.

"Our girls have qualified for the Asian Cup, the first team ever from West Asia and that's down to them and the investment we've put in," he explains of Jordan's recent success on the pitch.

"We chose a coach from Japan, bearing in mind they are World Cup champions, and we hope they can make it to the World Cup."

The Zaatari project is a collaboration between the Asian Football Development Project, set up by Prince Ali, and UEFA, European football's governing body.

The aim is to use football to promote healthier living and also to fill the idle hours that refugee camps provide in abundance. More than 1,000 children and young adults under 20 are in the program, with 80 more being trained to coach.

"All the children that arrive are completely devastated," explains Bassam Omar al Taleb, a 31-year old Syrian who had himself fled his home in Daraa a few months before. Once a keen amateur soccer player, he is now coaching Zaatari's new arrivals.

"They have seen their family members killed before their eyes and the journey to Jordan is a difficult one," he says. "Through football we at least try to remove the sense of fear and regain some sense of normalcy."

Meanwhile as the war in Syria continues. Zaatari's numbers swell every day.
"It is a really difficult job," Rantisi says.
As the coaching class for young Syrian men finishes, the children are still on the sand pitch, shrieking as they chase the ball as a pack. "But," Rantisi adds, "we have to bring them back to life."
Read more ...

Syria conflict: Kicking for hope in Zaatari refugee camp

This is an aerial photograph of the Zaatari refugee camp, situated eight kilometers from the Jordan/Syria border, taken on July 18, 2013. As many as 150,000 people are now living there, with more arriving every day.<!-- -->
</br> This is an aerial photograph of the Zaatari refugee camp, situated eight kilometers from the Jordan/Syria border, taken on July 18, 2013. As many as 150,000 people are now living there, with more arriving every day.

(CNN) -- Amongst the clouds of dust kicked up from the desert by the hundreds of new arrivals who pitch up every day at the Zaatari refugee camp -- just 15 kilometers from the Jordan/Syria border -- Abeer Rantisi is planning her next lesson.

The twenty-six-year old is short, hair tied back, her thick-rimmed glasses sitting wonkyly at the end of her nose. She is standing outside a large marquee where a group of Syrian men is being taught the basics of soccer coaching.

"'Football," she tells CNN, her eyes moving to a group of young children nearby, screeching with laughter as they kick a football around on a sand pitch, "We all speak football."

Rantisi is a star for the Jordanian women's national team, who are preparing for a tournament that could see the kingdom qualify for the World Cup finals for the first time in their history.

But, for now, she has more important work to do. She coaches soccer for Syrian girls and young women who have fled the horrors of civil war and found themselves in what has become one of the biggest refugee camps in the world.
Football grows in India
 
Zidane and Ronaldo tackle poverty
 
Platini: Goal line technology too expensive
 
The sound of a child's laughter is rare in Zaatari.

Since the start of the Syrian civil war-- the conflict marked its third anniversary in March -- this tiny hamlet has been transformed into one of the biggest cities in the country.
As many as 150,000 people live here now. Hundreds come every day, sometimes more, sometimes less, depending on the brutality of the fighting just a few kilometers away.
They have built a life of semi-permanence.

According to the United Nations there are now close to 700 shops in the camp and nearly 60 mosques.
You can buy cable TV from one of the many tents set up to supply the growing population. There's a wedding cake shop, a place to buy wedding dresses and even a pet shop.
It costs $1.6 billion a year to run Zaatari, but the human cost is immeasurable.
Almost every player Rantisi coaches says they have been confronted with the unimaginable: bombings, the death of entire families, assault, rape.

"The main thing we can work on is self-confidence," Rantisi explains of the fragile emotional and physical state her players arrive in.

"To bring those people here and tell them they can achieve whatever they want. We have to make them resilient because they were suffering in Syria."

Dealing with the emotional scars of a civil war is a tough job, but there is also the added obstacle of social conservatism to overcome.

Almost everyone at Zaatari has come from Syria's southern, rural, conservative Sunni population.
Young girls have simply never played football in that environment. The biggest issue in such a sprawling, impersonal camp, according to Rantisi, is privacy.

"They have all come from conservative communities and are not allowed to play in public so we have to make sure that they are hiding all the time," she says.

"It's a really big problem here. Because you can see the camp it's open from all angles so we have to find a safe place for them to play. We have to find private places just for the girls to come."
Looking back at 150 years of soccer
French comedian accused of anti-semitism
 
Police tackles football betting scandal
 
In private, away from the gaze of men, Rantisi works with her players, but it takes time for her to earn their trust.

"The women in Zaatari have no idea about sport at all," she explains. "In the first lecture we say: 'We are national team players. We have come here to talk about sport.' They ask: 'What do you mean? What is sport?'"

It is not an uncommon question in the region. While women's soccer has boomed around the world, the game in the Middle East has been fraught with religious and cultural opposition over the past decade.
In Kuwait a nascent women's national team was effectively banned in 2007 after lawmakers decided it was 'un-Islamic' for women to play soccer.

The Palestinian women's national team had to fight social conservatism within its own communities to build a mixed team of Muslim and Christian players.
Saudi Arabia still has no women's team.
But attitudes are changing.

The Jordan team has only existed since 2005 and has been backed with money and support from Prince Ali bin al Hussein, the young half-brother of the king, who was recently elected as a vice-president on FIFA's powerful executive committee.

Fifteen new training centers for young girls have been built and Prince Ali has been instrumental in pushing through a rule change that allows Muslim women to wear a modified hijab to cover their hair during FIFA matches.

Originally they had been prevented from doing so on the grounds that the hijab was a religious symbol. But the change could revolutionize the game in the Middle East and open soccer to millions of women who would otherwise be prevented from playing.
In the past few years alone national women's teams have been set up in the UAE, Qatar and now, finally, Kuwait too.

The greatest success story, though, has been the Jordanian national team with Rantisi, who cites French World Cup winner Zinedine Zidane as her inspiration, in the heart of midfield
"I'm from Amman and started playing when when I was 13," she recalls. "In Jordan we don't have the same problems anymore as say with the Palestinians.

"We don't have the same social problems as they have. But we used to, when we started in the past."
In just eight years the Jordan team has gone from nothing to qualifying for the Asian Cup.
Rantisi scored a hat trick in a world record 21-0 victory over Kuwait in one qualification match.
That tournament takes place in May and if Jordan reach the semi-finals they will qualify for the World Cup, the first time a team from the region will have ever made it.
Racism in Football: Part 1
 
Racism in Football: Part 2
 
Racism in Football: Part 3
 
"I play as a central midfielder so it was fun to score," she says, a little embarrassed at the huge scoreline.
"We have to look at new teams like Qatar and Kuwait and support them. But," she adds, laughing now, "we needed the 20 goals as Uzbekistan were in the same group and they scored eighteen!"

For Prince Ali, the success of the team on the pitch vindicates an investment in the women's game that few others in the region were willing to make.

"Our girls have qualified for the Asian Cup, the first team ever from West Asia and that's down to them and the investment we've put in," he explains of Jordan's recent success on the pitch.

"We chose a coach from Japan, bearing in mind they are World Cup champions, and we hope they can make it to the World Cup."

The Zaatari project is a collaboration between the Asian Football Development Project, set up by Prince Ali, and UEFA, European football's governing body.

The aim is to use football to promote healthier living and also to fill the idle hours that refugee camps provide in abundance. More than 1,000 children and young adults under 20 are in the program, with 80 more being trained to coach.

"All the children that arrive are completely devastated," explains Bassam Omar al Taleb, a 31-year old Syrian who had himself fled his home in Daraa a few months before. Once a keen amateur soccer player, he is now coaching Zaatari's new arrivals.

"They have seen their family members killed before their eyes and the journey to Jordan is a difficult one," he says. "Through football we at least try to remove the sense of fear and regain some sense of normalcy."

Meanwhile as the war in Syria continues. Zaatari's numbers swell every day.
"It is a really difficult job," Rantisi says.
As the coaching class for young Syrian men finishes, the children are still on the sand pitch, shrieking as they chase the ball as a pack. "But," Rantisi adds, "we have to bring them back to life."
Read more ...

Saturday, 8 March 2014

I Thought It Was Holy Water – Suspected Pipeline Vandal

Six suspected pipeline vandals were
apprehended in Sagamu area of Ogun state.
Salami Amodu, 65, Bruce Ekonen, Joseph Ofoeyeno, Francis Ode, Bruce Ekonen and Kola Ifatoye were arrested with about 100 gallons of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS).
They allegedly vandalized Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) pipeline at Idimagboro.
Salami Amodu, 65, who was, along with others arrested by operatives of the Inspector General of Police (IGP) Special Task Force on Anti-Pipeline
Vandalism Unit, had this to say:
"I was on my way home when a man, popularly known as Alfa, stopped me. He promised to pay me N5000 per trip if I can help him to carry 10 gallons of liquid. I thought it was water, so I did not bother to ask, since it's a good business. It is
possible that the water could be anointed since he was ready to pay as much as N5000.
"It was while we were on our way that I started to perceive the odour of fuel. I asked him and he told me that it was fuel. I was so annoyed and I shouted at him for not telling me in the first place
what was in the gallons. Initially, I wanted to stop the car and ask him to off load the vehicle, but when I realized that we were almost close to his destination, I decided to continue.
I am aware that vandals normally pass through that route that was why I was very angry with him.
"In that area, people go for prayers. Clerics come to that area to buy holy water to perform miracle.
Most of the times when I am done with the day's job, especially if I did not make much money, I will go down to the bush area to see if there is anyone who needs lift. I also ensure that I do not carry vandals because those days when I used to help them, it landed me into trouble with security men.
Although, there is money to make in that business but the risk is much. This was why I stopped a long time ago till Alfa deceived me into carrying fuel for him.
"I am very sorry. It is of no use denying that I was not involved because I was caught with the product. Life has been unfair to me if not, at this age, why should I be hustling for money to feed
and take care of my family. I am very sorry."
Another suspect, Joseph Ofoeyeno, claimed that his duty was just to transport the stolen products from the bush to the buyers:
"Initially I was buying directly from NNPC staff close to the depot.
Normally, NNPC staff will overload their trucks and sell the excess to us before preceding to off- load the rest for the buyer. The place was however shot down when there was a fire outbreak.
I had no choice than to patronize these vandals. I am sorry and I wish NNPC will be allowing those their truck drivers to carry excess."
Bruce Ekonen stated he actually went to the bush to see a cleric for the gift of the fruit of the womb: "I have been married for the past 8 years and my wife has not been able to conceive. I have tried my hands on different women outside but none has ever returned with the good news that she is pregnant.
"I was actually on my way when I saw Francis and asked him for a lift. We were on our way to town when the police arrested us. I was looking for the fruit of the womb not stolen fuel. I was even advising Francis to stay away from illegal business of selling stolen product when the policea rrested us."
Confirming the arrest, Assistant Commissioner of Police, Friday Ibadin, who is in charge of the Task Force, said, "Detectives led by Sector Commander, Lagos, DSP Onaghise Osayande, laid ambush and nabbed these suspected vandals. It is worthy to remind Nigerians that ignorance is not an excuse. Both the seller and buyer of stolen products are liable. Meanwhile, the suspects would soon be arraigned in court at the end of investigation."
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Lagos State Govt. "Fashola" Denies Owing Tinubu’s Ex-Deputy, Bucknor-Akerele Entitlements

The Lagos State government yesterday described as false the allegation by a former Deputy Governor, Mrs. Kofoworola Bucknor-Akerele that her entitlements were still being withheld by the state government, insisting "she has been fully paid".

Bucknor-Akerele, who was former Governor Bola Ahmed Tinubu's deputy from 1999-2002, had last month ending alleged that the state government had never paid her entitlement since her resignation from office.

Debunking Mrs. Bucknor-Akerele's allegation, Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Mr. Aderemi Ibirogba described it as incorrect and misleading.

According to him, "All the pension entitlements due to Mrs. Kofoworola Bucknor-Akerele have been fully paid and are being met as and when due on a monthly basis.

"One Toyota Prado Jeep and one Pickup truck were recently delivered to the former Deputy Governor as part of her entitlement".

He, however, disclosed that the grey areas left to be resolved was the former Deputy Governor's insistence on the monetization of services rendered by personal staff employed by her, among other demands.

"The Deputy Governor's demand for another set of vehicles as backup and replacement of all the vehicles every three years, notwithstanding the current means of Governmen
From BEN Latest News®
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Monday, 3 March 2014

How to understand Putin’s Ukraine strategy

To understand what motivates Russian President Vladimir Putin in the Ukrainian crisis and how he will proceed, we have to recall two key things about his strategy and his tactics.
First, Russian foreign policy – whether under Brezhnev, Yeltsin, Putin or anyone after him – is informed by three imperatives: Russia as a nuclear superpower, Russia as the world's great power, and Russia as the central power in the post-Soviet geopolitical space. And a power that is political, economic, cultural, diplomatic and most certainly military.
What differs from one Russian political regime to another is interpretation and implementation, that is, the policies that support these objectives.  Putin's have been far more assertive and at times riskier than those of his predecessors. The nuclear "superpowership" has been translated into a vehement opposition to missile defense in Europe.  Russia as a great power has been defined largely in opposition to the U.S. and the West in general. And the centrality of Russia in the post-Soviet space has been re-interpreted as dominance and hegemony.
Ukraine's European breakout – caused by Putin's first major political blunder in openly and heavy handedly betting on ousted Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, and thus escalating the issue from corruption and thievery to Ukraine's sovereignty – is hugely important to Putin's Russia. Why? Because it has dealt a very heavy, perhaps fatal, blow to not one but two elements of the Russian geostrategic triad as defined by Putin: to the "great power" pillar (the West has won in the Ukraine!), and to Russia's hegemony in the post-Soviet space.
From Moscow's point of view, the double whammy must be mitigated – or better yet reversed – before the consequences become irrevocable and the geopolitical map of Eurasia permanently redrawn.  As a result, for as long as the eye can see, containment, de-stabilization and, if possible, derailment of the Europe-bound Ukraine will be by far the most important objective of Russian foreign (as well domestic) policy.
As to the tactics, in his effectively 14 years in power, Putin has been very lucky both in his domestic and foreign endeavors, in part because of objective factors (when he took over as acting president in 1999, a barrel of crude averaged around $17 a barrel) and in large measure because his opponents, at home and abroad, were politically or economically handicapped.
As a result, Putin has trusted his luck and his smarts while counting on his opponents' weaknesses. This means he has operated in accordance with Napoleon's principle: On s'engage and puis on voit, which I would translate as "First get into a fight, and then decides what to do."
And that is how he has proceeded thus far,  gradually escalating the pressure on Ukraine, seeing what works and what does not, pausing and looking over his shoulder at the response from the West, primarily the U.S.  From the expression of concern for the safety of ethnic Russians in Ukraine (which proved ineffective), to the questioning of the legitimacy of the Ukrainian government, to the introduction of forces in the Crimea, to his "request" to the Federation Council of the Russian parliament for the "use" of troops in Ukraine. In accordance with his tactical habits, Putin will likely stop now and assess the reaction.  A full-scale invasion and occupation of Crimea is therefore likely to be next – unless the response from the "West" proves effective.
What will that response be? We know (and so surely does Putin) that the U.S. is not going to go to war over Ukraine.  Yet even with the military option off the table, the U.S. still has quite a few diplomatic and economic tools at its disposal, to be deployed publicly and, most crucially, privately.
The U.S. and its allies also must keep in mind that most, if not all, of these measures are aimed not only at Putin but at the elites around him and at the Russian public at large. Dominant though he is, Putin is not Stalin or Brezhnev. Russia is not the Soviet Union, the Iron Curtain is gone – the internet exists and public opinion matters.
The West's steps are not difficult to divine. To begin, in the public domain, separate statements and phone calls to Putin by U.S. allies would be replaced by a joint statement from the heads of state of NATO and EU countries warning about the "consequences" of a Russian invasion of Ukraine. Such a statement should stress that Russia risks isolating itself from the world – economically, politically, culturally – with disastrous results for the people of the Russian Federation.
These "consequences" may have been spelled out in President Obama's private call to Putin (with an understanding that what is private today may become public tomorrow). Ideally, the conversation would have been one in which the American president was speaking not only for the U.S., but also for NATO and the EU. The president is likely to have pointed out that the risks would involve Russia's membership in the G-8, the safety of financial and other assets of the Russian elite which are located outside of Russia, as well as the ability of the members of this elite and their families to visit, live or study in the U.S. and the EU. In addition, Moscow's behavior could trigger new export controls, which given its dependence on Western technology, particularly in the oil and gas sector as well as in the food industry, could have a very negative impact on the Russian economy.​
Alongside these measures, the U.S. and its allies might also provide – publicly and in private – a few face-saving devices for Russia, such as guarantees that the Russian-speaking Ukrainians will be free from harassment or discrimination of any kind; an introduction of U.N.  peacemaking forces in Crimea to protect the political rights of all  Crimeans, and the reaffirmation of the pre-existing "special status" of Crimea within Ukraine, as well as the continuation of the pre-existing Russian sovereignty of the leased naval base in Sevastopol.
Given the size of the hole that the Ukrainian revolution has torn in the fabric of Russia's geopolitics, these measures may not stop Russia from attempting to reverse the crisis. But they will certainly convey the increasing costs of the course in which the Kremlin seems to be embarking, and possibly provide a way out without losing face.
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